Strengthing Scientific and Technological Cooperation to Achieve Complementarity and Win-win Situation

Li Changjiu

Science has no borders. China's foreign policy on science and technology is to strengthen international cooperation so as to achieve complementarity and win-win results and benefit the people of all countries. In the 70 years since the founding of New China, especially in the 40 years of reform and opening up, China's cooperation on scientific and technological with other countries has been continuously expanded. 158 countries and regions that have established scientific and technological cooperation relations with China, 113 intergovernmental cooperation agreements have been signed, and more than 200 intergovernmental international organizations and multilateral mechanisms have participated.

Breaking the US Containment of Science and Technology and Maintaining Complementary and Mutually Beneficial Cooperation

The United States is the largest developed country in the world, and China is the largest developing country. Both countries are the largest markets in the world and the countries with the largest number of imports and foreign direct investment. Strengthening complementary and mutually beneficial scientific and technological cooperation is beneficial to the two countries and the two peoples. The main lessons in the course of bilateral relations over the past 40 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the United States are that cooperation will benefit both sides, while fighting will hurt both sides. It is in the fundamental interests of the two countries and the two peoples to jointly promote coordinated, cooperative and stable Sino-US relations.

I. There are broad areas for complementary cooperation between China and the United States.

II. We need to fairly treat the investment and operation of both sides' enterprises.

III. China and US should Cooperate in Developing Third-Party Market.

China and Russia Jointly Promote the In-depth and High Development of Scientific and Technological Cooperation Between the Two Countries

2019 marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Russia. The relations between the two countries have gone through an extraordinary course. It is in this kind of tests that Sino-Russian relations have become more stable and mature, and the two countries have found a correct way to get along with each other. The two sides trust each other politically, cooperate for mutual benefit economically, and support each other in international affairs, and have become a model of relations between great powers today. The bilateral trade volume between China and Russia exceeded US $100 billion in 2018. Sino-Russian economic, trade, scientific and technological cooperation is developing and upgrading from energy and other traditional fields to the high-end and in-depth areas, which will not only bring great benefits to the two peoples, but also make important contributions to the peace, stability, development and prosperity of the region and the world at large.

I. China and Russia will be energy partners for a long time.

II.Sino-Russian cooperation will see in-depth development.

III. Sino-Russian cooperation on science and technology will develop to high level.

Strengthening the Ability of Independent Innovation and Expanding International Scientific and Technological Cooperation

One of the reasons why it is difficult for the least developed countries to extricate themselves from poverty and embark on the road of industrial comparison is the backwardness of science and technology, and China will continue to engage in complementary and mutually beneficial cooperation with other countries and support the least developed countries to the best of their ability.

I. Strengthening cooperation in infrastructure construction

II. Strengthening agricultural cooperation

III. Establishing of scientific research institutes in developing countries

Three Major Issues to Pay Attention to in the New Practice of “One Country, Two Systems” in Dawan District

Guan Xiuli

The construction of Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau Great Bay Area is a national strategy deployed and promoted by General Secretary Xi Jinping. It is not only a new attempt to promote the formation of a new pattern of all-round opening up in the new era, but also a new practice to promote the development of the cause of "one country, two systems". As one of the important power sources of the development of the Bay area, institutional innovation should be based on "one country" and promote the benefits of "two systems", so that the dividend of the system, the vitality of the market and the traction of regulation can burst out fully. In the process of two-way opening, we will build and improve a rule of law environment that facilitates the efficient flow of people, goods, capital and information, enhance the core competitiveness of the Bay area, help "Belt and Road Initiative" to go deeper, and enhance the supporting and leading role of the Bay area in serving the development of the country and opening up to the outside world.

I. Market-oriented reform has promoted the practice of "one country, two systems"

The mechanisms of "one country, two systems", "CEPA", "Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao" have been in operation for many years. In the past two years, the construction of the Great Bay area is in full swing and has become synonymous with the pursuit of dreams by the people.

(I) There are unique advantages of the mechanism.

(II) Legal cooperation is deepening.

(III) Economic cooperation achieves steady progress.

II. The Construction of the Great Bay area is conducive to enriching the practical connotation of "one country, two systems"

The outline of Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau Great Bay Area's Development Plan, issued by the CPC Central Committee and the State Council, was officially released on 18 February, marking that its construction has entered a stage of in-depth progress. The cooperation between the three places has entered a critical period of deep integration, thus opening a new prelude to the new practice of the cause of "one country, two systems."

(I) Development dynamic fusion

(II) Advantages of the systems

(III) Legal cooperation first

III. Three major issues should be paid attention to in the new practice of "one country, two systems" in the Great Bay area

There are still many challenges in transforming potential advantages such as organizational structure, construction of the rule of law, and cultural homology into international competitive advantages, and it is necessary to forge consensus among all parties and work tirelessly for the new practice of "one country, two systems" and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

(I) Continuous facilitating the movement of persons

(II) Supporting innovative financing

(III) Promoting cultural integration

"One country, two systems" has been successfully implemented in Hong Kong and Macao. In particular, after the return of Hong Kong in 1997 and Macao in 1999, "one country, two systems" has become the institutional guarantee for maintaining prosperity and stability in Hong Kong and Macao. Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau Greater Bay Area's construction will further strengthen exchanges and cooperation between the mainland and Hong Kong and Macao.

At present, Taiwan's understanding and recognition of the mainland have improved, and an increasing number of people are gaining confidence in the peaceful development of cross-strait relations. It is necessary to study and sum up the practical experience of "one country, two systems" in Hong Kong and Macao in a timely manner.

Do a Solid Job of Aging Work in the New Era

Huang Yanfen

Xi Jinping's thought of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era adheres to taking the people as the center and relying on the people for all things. It is the theory that contemporary Chinese Communists seek happiness for the people and rejuvenation for the nation. Comrade Xi Jinping has often stressed the need to seek truth from facts, strategic determination, problem orientation, comprehensive coordination, bottom line thinking, investigation and research, iron marks, historical responsibility, and so on.

I. We must attach great importance to the work of the elderly from a strategic point of view.

At present, the problem of population aging in China has such a strategic attribute, to which the work of aging is closely related. It is important to deal with the problem of aging population, and to meet the better life of the elderly.

(I) We should be well prepared in advance in order to respond timely.

(II) Weshould think rationally in order to work scientifically.

(III) We should plan systematicaly in order to act comprehensively.

II. Six Relations that must be properly handled in the work of the aged.

1. To do a good job in the work of the aged in the new era, we must adhere to the combination of party committee leadership, government leadership, social participation and the action of the whole people, in which the leadership of the party committee is the core and the action of the whole people is the key.

2. To do a good job in the work of the aged in the new era, we must persist in the combination of dealing with the aging of the population and promoting economic and social development, in which the key is to make up for the shortcomings.

3. To do a good job in the work of the elderly in the new era, we must adhere to the combination of meeting the needs of the elderly and solving the problem of aging population, and solving the urgent needs of the elderly is the key.

4. To do a good job in the work of aging in the new era, we must strive to tap the vitality and opportunities brought about by the aging of the population to the development of the country. At present, excavating vitality is the key.

5. To do a good job in the work of the elderly in the new era, we must strive to meet the growing material and cultural needs of the elderly, and paying attention to the cultural needs is the key.

6. To do a good job in the work of the aged in the new era, we must promote the comprehensive, coordinated and sustainable development of the cause of the aged, which is the key.

III. We should adopt General Secretary Xi Jinping's new ideas and new strategies to comprehensively promote the work and cause of the elderly in the new era.

1. Improve the work of the aged with sincerity.

2. Promote the work of aging with the help of the organization.

3. Prosper the cause of the aged with proper policies.

4. Develop the aged industry by the market.

5. Strengthen the family with morality.

6. Spread positive energy with the elderly.

IV. Concluding remarks.

In the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, our work for the elderly must keep pace with the times and better take the initiative to adapt to the new requirements of moving towards socialist modernization. We will promote the modernization of the work of the elderly, the cause of the elderly and the industry of the elderly with a high degree of self-consciousness.

To sum up, the working departments of the elderly at all levels are an important force to specifically represent the party and the government to promote the cause of the elderly and the development of the aging industry in the new era. To work for the welfare of hundreds of millions of elderly people and promote the coordinated development of various undertakings for the elderly in an all-round way, we should not only strive to draw a full stop to building a well-off society in an all-round way. Moreover, we should contribute our due strength to opening up a new journey to realize socialist modernization in an all-round way in the new era.

The Significance of the “Belt and Road” Forum for International Cooperation

Yu Sui

It has been a year since the first "Belt and Road Initiative" International Cooperation Summit Forum, and it has demonstrated its world significance through its five major characteristics.

The first is experimental. The experimental stage can be divided into the start-up stage, the test stage and the mature stage.

The second is original. The core of the original idea mainly contains five key words: "vision", "integrity", "tolerance", "innovation" and "win-win".

The third is pioneering. This pioneering nature can be said to be unprecedented, which is formed with the continuous development of world multipolarization, economic globalization and social informatization.

The fourth is mobilizing. Over the past six years since the advocacy of "Belt and Road Initiative", China's circle of friends has become larger and larger. 124 countries and 29 international organizations have signed a cooperation document with China to jointly build "Belt and Road Initiative".

Most of the 279 outcomes of the five major categories formed by the first Summit Forum have been completed or can be turned into normal work, and the rest of the achievements are also being implemented in an orderly manner.

The fifth is challenging. If we say that the ancient "Silk Road" has become a popular story for generations, then "Belt and Road Initiative", as a platform for the convergence of interests of various countries today, affects the pattern of world war because of the great charm produced by its spirit of the times.

The Belt and Road Initiative involves global governance, inspires the vast number of developing countries and attracts a number of developed countries. It will become a unique note of the new era of "unprecedented changes in a hundred years" and a fantasy of the win-win prospect of peaceful development and cooperation among mankind.

A Report and Interpretation of the “Belt and Road” “Connectivity Index in Five Areas” Between China and Myanmar (2018)

Chen Yiyuan

In 2018, Myanmar has made remarkable progress in the five links index of the countries along the "Belt and Road Initiative" route, and the overall level has become a good one. Myanmar ranked 40th out of 94 countries, higher than 57.4 per cent of the countries along the route, significantly better than the 2017 index of potential countries and 45th of the 64 countries (above 30 per cent of the countries along the route). Among them, the policy communication is in the 21st place, up from 47 last year, and the facilities Unicom is the fourth, second only to Russia, Iran and Germany, which is the first in Southeast Asia. 58 cases of smooth trade belong to the good type (below average), 70 cases of financing belong to the weak type, and 44 people are connected to each other, belonging to the good type (below the average level).

According to the cluster analysis of "Wutong Index", Myanmar still belongs to the "short board type", which has obvious disadvantages in financing, but the 2018 index is more prominent in Myanmar's obvious advantages in facilities connectivity.

I. Policy communication has been significantly improved.

II. The advantages of connecting facilities are obvious.

III. Potential for smooth trade to be tapped.

IV. The shortage of financing is still obvious.

V. efforts need to be made to connect the hearts and minds of the people.

In the course of promoting the "Belt and Road Initiative" initiative over the past five years, Myanmar has earnestly felt that "Belt and Road Initiative" is a new opportunity for Myanmar's development, and subsequently its attitude has changed. Myanmar, especially China's investment in infrastructure construction, plays a positive role in promoting its economic development and improving people's livelihood. According to the indicators of the China-Myanmar five-way Index, the development of connectivity between Myanmar and China has great potential, and although the short board is difficult to make up for in the short term, through the efforts of both sides, we can promote other links under the condition of giving full play to their advantages. In particular, efforts to raise the flow of trade to one level can bring tangible benefits to the people's livelihood of the two countries.

The Sprindle, the Flank and the Predicament

--An Evaluation of America’s Policy in the Middle East in 2018

Liu Zhongmin

The 2018 Trump administration's Middle East policy is based on the principle of "giving priority to the United States," based on the strategic interests of the United States in the Middle East, such as anti-terrorism, preventing hostile countries from controlling the Middle East, and safeguarding energy security, with containing Iran as the main line. Supported by the consolidation of allies, the policy arrangements around hot issues such as the Palestinian-Israeli and Iranian nuclear agreements are embodied in wayward policies such as recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, withdrawing from the Iranian nuclear agreement, and twice launching sanctions against Iran. And the strengthening of allies.

However, because Trump's Middle East policy is essentially utilitarianism and pragmatism with less investment to maximize benefits, "offshore balance" instead of direct intervention, and unilateralism instead of multilateralism. The role of the United States in the Middle East is more broken and less negative. Stimulated by the negative effects of American Middle East policy, the pattern formation and fragmentation of the Middle East are intensified at the same time, and the order of the Middle East is even more out of order.

Containing Iran: a Challenging Policy Spindle

(I) The United States withdrew from the Iran nuclear agreement and resumed large-scale sanctions against Iran.

(II) Challenges of the United States’ policy of containing Iran.

First, there is little chance that US sanctions will force Iran to take the initiative to change internally, and it will be difficult to change Iran’s policy on regional hot issues.

Second, US sanctions against Iran are constrained by many uncertainties.

Finally, the uncertainty caused by comprehensive sanctions against Iran could impact US financial hegemony, which is a deep hidden concern for the United States.

Alliance: an Unstable Flank of the Policy

The biggest problem with the US alliance policy is that everything is centered on serving the interests of the United States, and more costs are passed on to regional allies through interest transactions. However, due to the lack of a systematic Middle East strategy, the United States is unable to meet the interests of its allies, which in turn makes its allies unstable.

(I) Strengthening the "US-Israel-Saudi" alliance system

First, in order to strengthen its alliance with Israel, it has adopted a policy of obviously favoring Israel on the Palestinian-Israeli issue and attempted to push forward the so-called "century plan" to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli issue.

Second, in order to contain Iran, Trump has been provoking confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Iran, trying to form a Saudi-centered anti-Iran alliance, that is, the "Arab version of NATO", and strongly supporting Saudi Arabia's domestic and foreign policies.

(II) The fragility of the system of the United States and its allies in the Middle East.

First, the United States continues to make a strategic contraction in the Middle East, making it difficult to meet the interests of its allies.

Second, the fragmentation and diversity of the Arab world makes it difficult for the "Arab version of NATO" to take shape.

Third, the gradual departure of Turkey, a traditional ally, from the United States will greatly weaken the United States' system of allies against Iran.

Fourth, under the impact of the US Middle East policy, the contradictions in the Middle East are complicated, especially the decline of the traditional Arab-Israeli (Palestinian-Israeli) contradiction, the intensification and confrontation of the contradiction between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which increases the geopolitical risk in the Middle East.

The Grafted NATO

Ding Yuanhong

A few days ago, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) celebrated its 70th anniversary. Internationally, scholars and the media pay more attention to the differences and quarrels between the United States and the European Union over the issue of NATO military expenditure, fearing that President Trump has claimed that NATO is "out of date", that NATO has spent a lot of money, and that the United States has lost more than it has gained and so on, leading to the withdrawal of the United States from NATO or the dissolution of NATO. In fact, such concerns are superfluous. Not only will the United States not withdraw from or dissolve NATO, but it will continue to take control of NATO and serve the United States as the dominant force in the world. NATO today is not what it used to be. The differences between the two are obvious.

It is important to pay close attention to the fact that the so-called "security threat" from China was put on the NATO agenda for the first time, said US Vice President Pence said at the meeting. The rise of China is one of the biggest challenges facing NATO in the coming decades. "Whether we like it or not, China's rise will have a profound impact on the choices faced by NATO members individually and collectively". He also said the US government is "concerned about China's activities in the South China Sea and its potential expansion into the Arctic". He urged European allies to "use their resources and do more to maintain the strength and deterrence of our transatlantic alliance" in addressing China's challenges.

The world today is going through a great change that has not happened in a hundred years. The international situation, international relations and international order are all changing. NATO, a product of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, is also changing. We should look at it from a new perspective.

Brexit and its Significant Impact

Ding Yuanhong

Britain decided to leave the European Union in a referendum on June 23, 2016. According to the request of the European Union, after the British side applied for the launch of Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty and set 29 March 2019 as the legal time limit for Britain's departure from the European Union, the British and European sides began negotiations on "Brexit" on June 23, 2017. There are only two ways for Britain to leave the European Union, one is hard Brexit (or no agreement to leave the European Union, that is, after Brexit, Britain and the European Union separately agreed on future bilateral relations); the other is soft Brexit (or an agreement to leave the European Union, that is, before Britain officially announced its departure from the European Union, it reached an understanding with the EU on a number of issues in future bilateral relations.)  If both Britain and Europe can proceed from the overall situation and in accordance with the spirit of mutual respect and consultation on an equal footing, they will have sufficient time to make the necessary preparations to avoid a major impact.

However, it is a pity that some politicians, parliamentarians, and even individual leaders of the two sides are in the midst of multiple factors, such as party differences, parliamentary politics, personal grievances, and so on, regardless of the overall interests of the country and the unity of the allies. They all want to profit from the "Brexit" negotiations for personal gain, and some even want to overturn Britain's decision to vote on Brexit. As a result, the "Brexit" process, which lasted nearly three years, evolved into a farce of "western democratic politics". History cannot be reversed. "Brexit is Brexit". If it doesn’t work with an agreement to leave the European Union, there will be no other way left but to leave the European Union with no agreement. Even though, which both Britain and Europe do not want to see and will have a certain impact on both sides, it will not be a "disaster of famine" as some people maliciously exaggerate. Brexit is in an awkward situation, and it should be said that both Britain and Europe have an unshirkable responsibility.

First, Brexit has dealt an unprecedented heavy blow to the process of European integration.

Second, after the British referendum on which the decision to leave the European Union was made, Teresa May succeeded as British Prime Minister, responsible for the implementation of the historic decision to leave the European Union.

Third, although Brexit will cause short-term chaos and shock to the British economy and Anglo-European economic and trade exchanges, the result is that Britain will get rid of all kinds of fetters of the European Union and exercise its sovereignty independently. This includes renegotiating economic and trade relations with all non-EU countries according to their own needs, including the "Golden decade of China-UK Relations" promised by former Prime Minister Mr. Cameron.

Fourth, the impact of Brexit on the European Union is much greater than that on Britain itself.

(I) The comprehensive strength and international influence of the EU have been weakened.

(II) The contradiction between Europe and the United States has been further intensified.

(III) The European Union is more fragmented within.

An Analysis of the Current Changes in the Economic Integration of Asia-Pacific Region

Lu Jianren

Trump has pursued a series of selfish measures, such as "United States first," withdrawal from the TPP ("Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement") and threats to withdraw from the WTO ("World Trade Organization"), waging a trade war, engaging in trade protectionism, and so on. It has hindered the development momentum of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region. On the other hand, however, the imminent entry into force of the CPTPP (Comprehensive and Progressive Asia-Pacific Partnership Agreement) and the breakthrough in the negotiations on the RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement) indicate that the basis and impetus for regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region still exist. Many bilateral FTA in the region have been upgraded one after another, which has also improved the quality of regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region. These changes have brought both severe challenges and opportunities to China.

First, the United States has a strong momentum of trade protectionism, unilateralism and anti-globalization, and the process of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region has been hindered.

Second, the regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region is further fragmented, showing a "discrete" trend.

Third, the foundation and driving force of Asia-Pacific regional economic integration is still there, RCEP is making difficult progress, CPTPP has made a breakthrough, and is reshaping the process of Asia-Pacific regional integration.

Fourth, the difficulty of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region has greatly increased, and it is passively moving from the initial stage of traditional "trade liberalization" to an advanced stage dominated by "high standards and strict rules".

Fifth, the United States is reshaping the Asia-Pacific trade pattern and rewriting the Asia-Pacific trade rules in accordance with its own requirements, which will have a significant impact on the economic integration of the Asia-Pacific region.

Sixth, with the success of CPTPP, Japan has occupied a relatively favorable position in the current Asia-Pacific regional economic integration, and wants to shape the new pattern of Asia-Pacific trade with the United States.

Seventh, the economic integration of the Asia-Pacific region has ushered in an era of competition between big countries, and small countries are facing the problem of choosing sides.

Eighth, the United States deliberately set up a "India-Pacific" cooperation framework, but it is difficult to replace the Asia-Pacific integration framework.

Ninth, Asia-Pacific economic integration began to break through regional restrictions, showing a trend of spatial spillover.

Tenth, there has been a trend of FTA updating in the Asia-Pacific region, which has increased the vitality of regional economic integration.

Several Obeservations on the Development of Sino-Japanese Relations

Wang Jianmin

Japan is a close neighbor of China, and Sino-Japanese relations are close, but the process is fluctuating. Forty years ago, China and Japan signed the "Sino-Japanese Treaty of Peace and Friendship". By the early 1990s, Sino-Japanese relations had greatly improved and entered a golden era, which created a relatively good surrounding security environment for China's reform and opening up. Since then, Sino-Japanese relations have entered a period of ups and downs, especially from 2012 to 2016, until 2017.

I. Five Basic Problems Between China and Japan

There are five major structural contradictions or major sensitive issues between China and Japan.

(I) Japan's cognition and attitude towards the war of aggression against China.

(II) The dispute between China and Japan over the Diaoyu Islands.

(III) The delimitation of the East China Sea between China and Japan and the dispute over maritime rights and interests in the East China Sea.

(IV) Taiwan issue.

(V) The Security Alliance between the United States and Japan.

II. Japan's Strategies towards China

One of the keys to observing the development and changes of Sino-Japanese relations is to see the Japanese government's strategy and positioning towards China. Although Japan regards China as its competitor, its strategy is to contain the competition, seek cooperation in the competition, seek development in the cooperation, and make the most favorable strategic choice for Japan.

(I) Japan sees China as a strategic threat and competitor.

(II) "containing China" is Japan's most important strategy towards China.

(III) Japan's role in "controlling China" in the South China Sea, South Island and India-Pacific Strategy.

III. Sino-Japanese Economic Relations

(I) the economic and trade exchanges and cooperation between China and Japan have not formed a solid and sustainable cooperation mechanism, and have not completely improved the security and political relations between China and Japan. 

(II) Japan's attitude towards "Belt and Road Initiative" has changed from negativity and exclusion to non-exclusion, but it is still not active, and the intention of competition and prevention is still strong.

(III) Japan cooperates with the United States and the West on major economic issues to balance China.

(IV) Cooperation and competition between China and Japan on the issue of regional economic integration.

IV. Prospects of Sino-Japanese Relations

(I) Three different judgments and understandings of the prospects of the development of Sino-Japanese relations in academic circles.

(II) Whether China and Japan can establish strategic mutual trust and strategic consensus.

(III) The transformation of Japan's military strategy from defensive to offensive and the obvious intention of vigorously developing its military strength to point to China.

In a word, we can draw the following clear conclusions about the development of Sino-Japanese relations: Sino-Japanese relations show a long period of spiral and fluctuating development.

It is impossible to be antagonistic all the time, nor can it be stable and friendly for a long time, and it will change with a variety of internal and external factors.

No matter what, the main goals are to shelve disputes, strengthen cooperation, develop friendly relations and create a relatively stable surrounding security environment.